Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

724 ABRIDGMENT OF THE -SENATE.] Slavery Memorials. [FEBRUARY, 1836. sued. Having thus acted, on my part, I must for a redress of grievances." Has any such law express my surprise at the harsh expressions, been passed? Have these agitators been proto say the least, in which the Senator from hibited from praying for a redress of grievances? Georgia has indulged. Does any one pretend that such is the fact? [Mr. KING here asked that the expressions How, then, can it be asserted that, to refuse to might be specified.] receive these slanderous petitions, praying the Mr. C. replied that he understood the Sena- enactment of unconstitutional laws, is a violator to designate the demand of the question tion of the constitution? on the receiving of the petition as a mere pre- I, said Mr. C., am gratified that the Senator text. from Georgia concedes the point that Congress [Mr. KING disclaimed having done so.] has no power to abolish slavery in the District Mr. C. said that he certainly understood the -a concession which atones for much which Senator from Georgia as having used the expres- he has said. To yield the right here, is to sion, but was gratified that he had disclaimed yield the right to Congress to abolish slavery it; but he could not be mistaken in saying that in the States. I would proclaim, said Mr. C., the Senator had represented the course which to the whole South that, if the right be surI, and other Senators who think with Tme, have rendered to abolish slavery in the District, pursued in reference to this subject, as aiding their most effectual guard is surrendered. But and playing into the hands of A. Tappan & Co., I will ask the Senator from Georgia, if Conand calculated to produce agitation. I would gress has no right to abolish slavery in this ask, said Mr. C., upon what possible authority District more than to do so in the States, upon such assertion can be made? What has been what principle can he vote upon the reception my course? Has it not been purely defensive? of this petition which, he concedes, prays the I am averse to Congress touching the subject Senate to pass a law in violation of the constiof abolition, and from the beginning of the ses- tution? Let us change the question, to test sion have prescribed to myself, as a'rule not to the principle on which the Senator acts. He be departed from, a resistance of all attempts admits the constitutional power of Congress to bring the subject within the sphere of the over the subject, whether in this District or in action of this body. Acting on this principle, the States, to be the same; I ask him, then, I felt myself bound, said Mr. C., to demand the said Mr. C., addressing Mr. KING, is he prequestion on receiving the various petitions pared, as a Senator from Georgia, to vote to rewhich have been presented, in order to shut ceive apetition for the abolition of slavery in that the doors of the Senate against the admission State-a petition, too, for his principles go to that of the wicked and fanatical agitators. Had I extent, couched in the most abusive and slandernot a right, said Mr. C., secured by the parlia- ouslanguage against the State and its institutions? mentary rules of this body, to demand this [Mr. KING replied, yes.] question, and was I not bound to exercise it All, then, said Mr. C., that I can say is, on this occasion? When the incendiaries pre- that the Senator and myself are so organized as sent themselves here, in violation of the consti- to have feelings directly dissimilar. Rather tution, with petitions in the highest degree than receive such a petition against South Carocalumnious of the people of the South, holding lina, against those whom I represent, I would them up as despots, dealers in human flesh, and have my head dissevered from my body. pirates, was it for me, representing one of the Mr. HILL said: I do not object to many of Southern States, to be silent on such an occa- the positions taken by Senators on the abstract sion, and to indorse such slanders on my con- question of Northern interference with slavery stituents, by receiving them? I certainly do in the South. But I do protest against the not so estimate my duty. I consider it the excitement that is attempted on the floor of proper occasion to exercise the right, which Congress, to be kept up against the North. I belongs to me as a Senator, to demand the do protest against the array that is made here question on the reception; for doing this I of the acts of a few misguided fanatics as the have been accused as an agitator. This is the acts of the whole or of a large portion of the utmost extent of my offeniding. But, said Mr. people of the North. I do protest against the C., let us inquire, if there has been agitation, countenance that is here given to the idea that who are the agitators, and who is responsible the people of the North generally are interferfor discussion? Is it I and those who have ing -with the rights and property of the people acted with me; who have acted on the defen- of the South. sive; who have demanded a question which There is no course that will better suit the every Senator has the acknowledged right of few Northern fanatics, than the agitation of demanding on every petition, or those who the question of slavery in the halls of Congress have resisted that demand? And on what — nothing will please them better than the disground has this demand been resisted? Can cussions which are taking place, and a solemn any be more extraordinary than that to refuse vote of either branch denying them the right to receive is a violation of the constitution? to prefer petitions here, praying that slavery What are the words of that instrument? That may be abolished in the District of Columbia.'Congress shall pass no law prohibiting the A denial of that right at once enables them, people from peaceably assembling and praying and not without color of truth, to cry out that

Pages

About this Item

Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 724
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

Technical Details

Collection: Making of America Books
Link to this Item: https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ahj4053.0012.001
Link to this scan: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/moa/ahj4053.0012.001/726

Rights and Permissions

These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please go to http://www.umdl.umich.edu/ for more information.

IIIF

Manifest: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/api/manifest/moa:ahj4053.0012.001

Cite this Item

Full citation: "Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856." In the digital collection Making of America Books. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ahj4053.0012.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 19, 2025.

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

Annotations Tools

Actions

About this Item

Technical Details

Rights and Permissions

Related Links

IIIF

Cite this Item