Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

616 ABRIDGMENT OF THE SENATE.] Executive Patronage. [FEBRUARY, 1835. this bill have been fully and ably insisted upon ing after collateral questions, leading away by others. At this late period of the session, from the main point, and bewildering the judgwhen so much important business remains un- ment with disquisitions upon the various done, I shall not occupy the time of the Senate actions of Congress, and the wisdom or folly in discussing this branch of the subject. I rose of those actions. merely to present my views upon the constitu- The gentleman from New York (observed tional question. Mr. P.) has analyzed and divided the mass Mr. PRESTON declared that it had not been of dependants, and then asked of each part, originally his intention to take part in this separately, whether there existed any danger debate; the state of his health was such as not in it? to admit of it; but he felt himself bound to rise First he takes the pensioners, then the army, and express a general opinion, and more espe- then the navy, and so on, and after reducing cially to enter his most solemn protest against each to the utmost possible insignificancy, he the strange and unwarrantable doctrines which then triumphantly asks, " is there danger he had heard brought forward in the course of here?'" this discussion. By this specious mode of representing things, Willing, however, as he professed himself to the honorable gentleman is mistaken if he be, to acknowledge that Congress was the first imagines that he will succeed in convincing the spring and source of expenditure, he'must country that an army of dependants, of all beg to recall gentlemen to the consideration of classes, gives no undue influence to the power the real question-which was not the question which is made to preside over the mighty of origin, but of actual existence. The inquiry mass. was directed to executive power, as now found However contemptible the mere individuals to be, whatever may have been the errors, if of each class may appear to him, the aggregate they were errors, which first injudiciously mass of patronage thrown, by their means, suffered such a great and tremendous power to into the hands of the Executive, will not rise and grow to its present alarming height. appear insignificant and contemptible to those Congress must make appropriations, and an- who have at heart the welfare of the country, thorize expenditure for the necessities and for and the stability and permanency of our instithe welfare of the country; but does it follow, tutions. therefore, that, because Congress must, by The mass of dependants gives power; that necessity, originate expenditure, that therefore is undeniable, and that is sufficient. It is thereit is admissible that these expenditures should fore to evade, it is to blink the question, to be turned aside, or employed to the creation attempt to show that no power whatever is of a power preponderating over Congress and conferred upon the individual who dispenses over every thing in the country? Does it a patronage of such enormous extent. follow that it is a harmless and innocent thing, that all this expenditure should go to the profit of one individual, to aggrandize his WEsDNESDAnY, February 18. power, to increase his influence, to augment his patronage, and to render him the unlimitedng Resolution. master who dictates the destiny of those to Mr. BENTON offered the following resolution: whom these expenditures are disbursed by his Resolved, That the resolution adopted by the Senhand? Ifc Congress holds the purse and pours ate on the 28th day of March, in the year 1834, in out its treasures, does it follow that one the following words, "Resolved, That the President, hand is to receive them and control their dis- in the late executive proceedings in relation to the bursement, and be established necessarily as public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority the master over all who look up to that hand and power not conferred by the constitution and for the sweets it dispenses? Vain, therefore, laws, but in derogation of both," be, and the same and futile, idle, and untenable, is the specious hereby is, ordered to be expunged from the journals argument, which has been so much and so of the Senate, because the said resolution is illegal strongly dwelt upon, that, because the source and unjust, of evil example, indefinite and vague, of the expenditure is in Con1gress, therefore expressing a criminal charge without specification; there is no dangerous accumulation of patron- and was irregularly and unconstitutionally adopted age with the President. There is (continued by the Senate, in subversion of the rights of defence Mr. P.) a formidable amount of executive pa- which belong to an accused and impeachable officer; It is a proposition which no one can...and at a time, and under circumstances, to involve tronage. rt will da] propo n thi o dneny, that tpeculiar injury to the political rights and pecuniary or will dare to deny, that this patronage has interests of the people of the United States. increased, and is still increasing. This is the proposition on which the report is founded: it On motion of Mr. BENTON, the resolution was is a proposition which imperatively calls upon ordered to be printed. all the power, and feeling, and energy of the people to awake and rouse themselves, and Executive Patronage. know their real situation; and, above all, not The Senate resumed the consideration of the to be led to lose sight of the real fact, of the bill to repeal the first and second sections of undeniable proposition, by being sent a hunt- the act to limit the term of office of certain

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Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 616
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

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