Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

254 ABRIDGMENT OF THE SENATE.] Removal of the Deposits. [JANUARY, 1834. public money has been placed in favorite par- -it destroys all responsibility for the wisdom tisan banks, where it is likely to be used for of his acts. He reports to Congress, and proves all purposes of speculation and peculation. This his folly of improvidence. What remedy has means, I presume, that the deposits being Congress to apply? It can apply none. The changed to the State banks, a new and unworthy two branches of the legislature may indeed class of persons will receive loans who could decide that the removal of the officer would be not have obtained them from the Bank of the proper. But this act must be performed by the United States. This sweeping denunciation of Executive. We have here then a nominal the respectable and irreproachable directors of responsibility to Congress, resting for its efficacy all the State institutions trusted by the Secre- on the only constitutional sanction, the Executary of the Treasury, is without the shadow of tive power of removal. foundation. For skill and integrity they stand The President of the United States and the as fair as the directors of the Bank of the late Secretary of the Treasury seem, sir, to United States or any of its branches. The have well understood their respective powers phrase of "favorite partisan banks" shows and obligations. When the question of the how idle the suggestion is. Of the banks now removal of the deposits was first agitated, Mr. the depositories of the public money, the great Duane, with the frankness and firmness entitled mass are managed by persons decidedly opposed to public respect, opposed the measure-it was to the administration; who, on the question one he could not sanction, but if resolved upon of re-chartering the Bank of the United States, by the President, he would give way for differ with the Executive; whose influence another, who, coinciding with the President, and whose votes were against the present Chief could- act without scruple or hesitation. After Magistrate at the last election. thorough investigation of the various arguments It is further alleged that the terms of the submitted to him, the President made his deciact establishing the Treasury Department prove sion; and then, unfortunately, Mr. Duane dethat the Secretary was not to be under the con- dined fulfilling his voluntary engagement. trol of the Executive. It is made his duty " to The cause assigned was still more unfortunate. prepare and report plans for the improvement He conceived that he was insulted. This did and management of the public revenue, and not absolve him from'his engagement; indeed for the support of public credit," and " to report it should have furnished a new motive for withto either House of Congress upon any subject drawing. If treated courteously, his resignation referred to him," &c. The Secretary being should have been tendered out of respect to bound to report to Congress, and not to the the President; if rudely, he should have thrown Executive, it is gravely urged that the respon- back upon the President his commission from sibility of the Secretary must be to Congress respect to himself. Honorable Senators cenand not to the Executive. These clauses in the sure without measure the paper read to the Cabact of 1789 were not admitted without dispute inet by the President. The exercise of ordiand animadversion. The construction now put nary charity would place the subject in a very upon them would be truly surprising to the different light from that thrown upon it here. disputants of that day. Then it was urged by Is it not apparent from the document itself, the objectors to the introduction of them, recollecting the preceding and attendant cirthat it gave power to the Secretary over Con- cumstances, that the sole object of the President gress; not power to Congress over the Secre- was to shield Mr. Duane from the responsibility tary. [See Marshall's Life of Washington- of the act which he seemed to dread. The pages 200 to 205.] They were defended and President desired to take the whole, to reconcile retained on the simple ground that they were his Secretary to the course resolved on. Enintended merely to procure, directly and con- tertaining a conscientious conviction that the veniently, information in detail from the best course was fraught with injurious consequences and most practical source. No one maintained to the public, the Secretary would have been or imagined that any change in the responsi- faithless had he accepted the offered shelter. bility of the Secretary was to result from them. He was'only wrong in shifting the ground Gentlemen seem to be entirely unconscious of upon which he stood. No honest Secretary the effect of their hypothesis. If they are right, will ever put his hand to a work which, in his the responsibility of a Secretary of the Treasury judgment, will bring ruin or distress upon his for a wise administration of his Department, country. No public officer is bound to suffer is nominal-it has no sanction. According to even uncourteous treatment from the Chief true theory, all the Executive officers of Gov- Magistrate; the only honorable step, in either ernment are responsible for the purity and case, is resignation of office, and submission of his wisdom of their conduct in the execution of the conduct to the judgment of that great tribunal, duties devolved upon them: to the Executive public opichon, to which all must yield a cheerand to Congress for their purity-to the Execu- ful or forced obedience. If little charity has tive alone for their wisdom. The hypothesis of been shown to the President, by what term Senators does not touch the responsibility of shall I describe the treatment of the present the Secretary of the Treasury through an im- Secretary of the Treasury, distinguished through peachment; but in this he is in no respect a long life as a politician and as a man by his different from the other Heads of Departments urbanity, and courtesy, and virtue. To call it

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Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 254
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

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