Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

694 ABRIDGMENT OF THE H. OF R.] -Amendment of the Constitution. [FEBRUARY, 1826. character, as a profound statesman, I entertain and ask whether he has ever heard of a solitary the highest respect. He was, at the same time, instance of popular outrage on this subject? a monument of the capacity of the people to No, sir: in ten presidential elections, we have choose public agents, and of the frailty of any given a practical refutation of the unfounded other reliance. For, if I may speak with the imputations that have been cast upon the refreedom of history on such a subject, his cabinet publican form of Government in this respect. was most wretchedly feeble, and from no cause I will venture to assert-and I speak in the more strikingly so, than from the attempt to hearing of those who have been eye witnesses discover the secret treasure of talents that had of the fact-that a single parliamentary election escaped the searching sagacity of the people. for Westminster has produced more popular exIt is not unworthy of remark, that there is no citement and violence, and outrage, than all the officer in whose election the people are so likely Presidential elections since the foundation of to be actuated exclusively by patriotic and ele- our Government. No American citizen has ever vated motives, as in that of the President of the felt the slightest apprehension of outrage in the United States. Personally unknown to the exercise of his elective franchise. The very great body of them, and seen only through the humblest among us, marches to the polls with medium of his deeds and his character, they can more confidence and security than even the have no personal predilection or interested mo- Prime Minister of England. I have a friend in tive, to swerve them from the dictates of wisdom my eye who witnessed a Westminster election; and patriotism. On the contrary, in the elec- and it was regarded as an extraordinary instance tion of mere local officers, and particularly those of rashness, even in Lord Castlereagh, a Minisministerial officers of the law, whose official du- ter remarkable for his nerve, to vote for the minties have a bearing upon the pecuniary interest isterial candidate, in the state of outrageous exof the debtor and creditor classes of the com- citement that existed. But, even that Minister, munity,it not unfrequently occurs that even the after giving his vote, was under the necessity people are actuated by factious motives. And of consulting his own personal safety by skulkthis from the only cause that can produce such ing, in his robes of office, precipitately from the motives-the existence of an individual interest bustings, like a felon. And yet, the turbulence in the election, different to the public interest, of Republics, and the dangers of popular violence, and paramount to it. are the perpetual themes of declamation, as apBut, sir, I must hasten to consider another ob- plicable to this country, where every thing jection that has been urged against referring the around us looks more like the calm of death. election of the President directly to the people. It is idle to talk about popular violence. There We have been told, from high authority-an is not a nation on the face of the globe, whatExecutive message of one of the States-that ever may be its form of government, that is so it will produce popular excitement and turbu- completely exempt from such an imputation. lence. It does really appear to me, sir, that the What, sir, has been the fact, as exemplified in grave statesmen of the country are mistaking, the occurrences of the recent election? Howon this subject, the images of their classic recol- ever we may differ upon other questions conlections, for the sober and substantial realities nected with it, I believe few will dispute the of life. They seem to forget that they are not fact, that the popular favorite, the undoubted walking in the groves of Athens, nor mingling choice of the nation, was not chosen by this in the conflicts of the Roman Comitia. They House. This House disregarded the will of permit themselves to be carried away by false the people; and yet they have exhibited no and delusive analogies. I believe it would be a indications of outrage, but have borne their disvain attempt to try to rouse the people to scenes appointment in the very spirit of philosophical of turbulence and strife, on the subject of the resignation. They have submitted, as they Presidential election. The extent of our terri- ouglt to have submitted, to the constitutional tory, and the dispersion of our population, cir- authority, with the stern dignity of freemen, cumstances once deemed incompatible with Re- who understand their duties, and know how to publican freedom, are our absolute guarantees vindicate their rights. In any other country, against those stormy commotions that distin- if a Military Chieftain had been the object of guish the history of simple democracies. I do popular admiration and confidence, and denot believe it would be possible to excite even feated by the legislative body, some Cromwell Boston to a riot on the subject of the Presidency, or Bonaparte would have stepped forward, disalthough Kean, the player, roused the mob to solved the contumacious assembly, and erected acts of violence: for, by the district system, a throne of usurpation on its ruins. Boston would only have one electoral vote, and But, sir, I not only maintain that the people that would scarcely be an object of sufficient are exempt from the charge of violence, but magnitude to produce such consequences. that there is a tendency to carry the feeling of This idea of exciting the people to violence indifference to public affairs to a dangerous exon the Presidential election, is founded on ab- treme. Frorm the peculiar structure and comsolute inattention to the situation of our country, mercial spirit of modern society, and the faciliand would be scarcely excusable in a youth at ties presented in our country, for the, acquisition college, in his sophomore year. I will appeal of wealth, the eager pursuit of gain predominates to the experience of every member on this floor, over our concern for the affairs of the Repub

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Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 694
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

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