Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

DEBATES OF CONGRESS. 399 MARCH, 1826.] Negro Slavery in South A merica. [SENATE. are of vital importance to that district and de- Congress-that is what I want to see. I want scription of country, and not altogether con- this to open their eyes-I want, instead of pubtemptible, whether in point of extent or num- lic opinion reacting on us from uninformed bers, not quite unworthy of being taken into public bodies, however respectable; from toasts consideration in the deliberations and decisions given at public dinners, however respectable of this body, and of the Federal Government. the guests; a Holy Alliance of liberty in oppoHe would not detain the Senate farther than to sition to a Holy Alliance of tyrants-I want suggest, that he had heard that this great man the good sense of the people of the United — he had no doubt he was a great man-a good States to be informed as to the fact; having man-there were a great many such great and the most perfect reliance on their decision good men-LAFAYETTE was one of them-at when they shall have the facts, and having a the commencement of the French Revolution- disposition to submit most implicitly to that would not hear of any parley at all with what decision, whether it shall agree with my opinthey called the imprescriptible rights of man; ions or not: From these causes, I move that they played the whole game, they would not the President of the United States be requested hear of qualification, and we see what this des- to lay before the Senate such information as perate game has eventuated in-extremes al- may be in the possession of the Executive, ways beget one another. This General Boli- touching the principles and practice of the var, called the South American Washington- Spanish American States, or any of them, late as every man, said Mr. R., nowadays, who has colonies of old Spain, in regard to negro slavcommanded a platoon, is a Cmsar or a Hanni- ery-I will submit the motion in writing. bal, a Eumenes or Sertorius at least-so he is [Having done so; and the resolution having the South American Washington. I remem- been read-] ber, sir, that when the old Earl of Bedford, -Mr. RANDOLPIH again rose, and said he wished when he was condoled with by a hypocrite, to supply an omission in the remarks he had who wished in fact to wound his feelings, on made. It is, said he, generally of public notothe murder of his son Lord Russel, indignantly riety, that the island of Cuba has been in a replied that he would not exchange his dead state of alarm from a threatened invasion from son for the living son of any man on earth. these Spanish American States; and that the So I, Mr. President, would not give our dead chief cause of that alarm arises from the prinWashington for any living Washington, or any ciples of those States in reference to this very Washington that is likely to live in your time, question. Cuba, possessing an immense negro Mr. President, or mine; whatever may be the population, which has been increased since the blessings reserved for mankind in the womb of destruction of St. Domingo, incalculably, by time. I do know-the world knows-that the importation, as well as by natural meansprinciple of the American Revolution, and the Cuba lies in such a position, in reference to the principle that is now at work in the peninsula United States, and especially to the whole of South America and in Guatemala and New country on the Gulf of Mexico, as that the Spain, are principles as opposite as light and country may be invaded from Cuba in rowdarkness-principles as opposite as a manly and boats; and, in case those States should invade rational liberty is opposed to the frantic orgies Cuba at all, it is unquestionable that this invaof the French Bacchanals of the Revolution, as sion will be made with this principle-this geopposite as a manly and rational piety is op- nius of universal emancipation-this sweeping posedto that politico-religious fanaticism, which, anathema against the white population, in I am sorry to see, is not at work only in the front; and then, sir, what is the situation of peninsula of South America and New Spain, the Southern States? I throw out these only but has pervaded, or is pervading, all this coun- by way of hints; it would not be decorous, in try, and has insinuated itself wherever it can, a preface to a resolution, to enter into an elabto the disturbance of the public peace, the orate argument, which I could do. This is one loosening of the keystone of this constitution, of those cases in which the suggestions of inand the undermining the foundation on which stinct are worth all the logic in the world-the the arch of our Union rests. No, sir; they are instinct of self-preservation. It is one of those as different as light and darkness-as common cases in which our passions instruct our reason. sense and practice differ from the visionary the- I shall not consider whether the President of ories of moonstruck lunatics. the United States will send these Ministers or The Message of the President is before the not-he says he will do it, and he is generally world. The President of the United States has understood to be a man of his word-at least, told us that he will act, and that he has the as much so as to do what he has officially said power. Let him- let him act-let him act on he will do. But I must consider how far I feel his own responsibility; but let the American disposed, by my vote, to pledge Virginia in the people-and especially that part of the Ameri- common cause of States possessing these princan people-that portion of them who reside ciples-and to place our neutrality at the dissouth of the Ohio, and south of Mason and posal of a belligerent Congress. Dixon's line —know what are the deputies Mr. R. then gave notice that he should rewhom hereafter we are likely to receive in re- spectfully ask for the consideration of the resoturn from them, in character and color to our lution to-morrow morning.

Pages

About this Item

Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 399
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

Technical Details

Collection: Making of America Books
Link to this Item: https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ahj4053.0008.001
Link to this scan: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/moa/ahj4053.0008.001/401

Rights and Permissions

These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please go to http://www.umdl.umich.edu/ for more information.

IIIF

Manifest: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/api/manifest/moa:ahj4053.0008.001

Cite this Item

Full citation: "Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856." In the digital collection Making of America Books. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ahj4053.0008.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 22, 2025.

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

Annotations Tools

Actions

About this Item

Technical Details

Rights and Permissions

Related Links

IIIF

Cite this Item