Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

310 ABRIDGMENT OF THE H. OF R.] Election of President by the House of Representatives. [FEBRUARY, 1825. power of prescribing the mode, is left with the they are made to effect by the equality of their legislatures of the respective States. Some sovereignty. Sir, if these are people's principes, States elect their representatives by general 1, for one, beg to be delivered from them. ticket, as does Georgia, for example. How will It is said that, in matters of legislation, it gentlemen ascertain the votes of their districts, is a vexed question, whether the representative under the general ticket system? How will is not bound to obey the will of his constituents, gentlemen extricate themselves from this di- and that many great and wise men have held lemma? Will they do it by resorting to the the affirmative. Sir, I would not give a button statement, that the State, in that case, is each for the doctrine, either the one way or the member's district? If so, then each member is other, so far as regards its practical utility. As bound to represent the vote of his State. This to the mere theory, I concede it to gentlemen — brings the question back to the ground on which they may delight themselves with whatever I have already considered it; and the doctrine theories they please, whether ingeniously or is subject to all the objections to which I have inartificially constructed. But, though the already adverted. It is true, that the gentleman question, as to legislation, may be vexed, genfrom South Carolina cannot be mistaken as to tlemen tell us, that, in the business of electing the vote of the people: for in that State they a President by the House of Representatives, elect members by districts. ShQuld he recog- there can be no doubt-the case is a plain one. nize the principle of perfect obedience to the Sir, I argue directly the reverse. In the busivoice of his district, then should also every ness of legislation, the people, in primary assemother member. If this is principle, what would blies, cannot act-it is constitutionally, it is be the consequence of adherence to it, in the physically impossible. There is, therefore, a promost of cases-indeed, in the actual posture of priety, in a representative Government like ours, affairs at present? It is plain-no President that the legislative body should respond to the could be made, and the Vice President would voice of the people; that, as a reflector, it should come in. If it is principle, we are bound to ad- give back the true image of the people's wishes. here, but if we may give way, and are not bound But, in the election of the chief magistrate, the to adhere, then it should no longer be dignified people ccen act in primary assemblies. Those with the name of principle, but it is a mere assemblies present theproper and the best mode question of expediency. Again, if we are not in which the election can be made. But the bound by the votes of our districts, (as is clearly people, having attempted an election in this the case in some of the States, for the simple mode, and having failed of success, the constireason, that they have no districts,) but are tution brings the election to this House: this bound by the votes of our respective States, House is the umpire, the judge on whom dethen this dilemma might arise: A member volves the settlement of that momentous quesmight be obliged to vote for a candidate, who tion, which the people have been unable to setwas opposed by every man in his district. Here tle themselves, for want of greater unanimity. he gives up the wishes of all his constituents, Sir, I hope I have now succeeded in showing the only people upon earth to whom he is politi- the fallacy of the gentleman's-pardon me-the cally responsible, and for what? To fall in with people's doctrines, of instruction. What, then, the vote of the State-and by adhering to that is our duty, in the present crisis, and on the vote, no President is elected and the Vice Presi- approaching occasion? Is it to fall into the dent comes in, after all these fearless and patri- ranks of the candidate who may happen to be otic sacrifices. the strongest? (A very comfortable doctrine, Again: If our States were all of equal size, indeed, particularly to those who happen to be that is, equal in point of population, and the in the minority; our understandings and conpeople fail to make an election in the electoral science approving, we should like to be wafted colleges, it is clear that no election could ever with you gentlemen, on the strong currents.) be made by the House of Representatives, should Is it to obey the voice of our States? or, is it the members recognize as correct, and adhere to obey the voice of our districts? It is, in to the principle, that they are bound to vote in my judgment, neither more nor less than thisaccordance with the votes of their respective To do what is right, according to the best dicStates. In the present unequal size of the tates of our own understandings, and leave the States, under any ordinary circumstances of consequences to God, and to our country. combination, the operation of that principle It has been asked, how can we hold up our' would defeat an election nine times out of ten; heads when we return home, if we have gone and in no solitary case can an election be made against the will of our constituents? Sir, we in the House of Representatives by adhering to can hold our heads as erect as an angel. The the principle, except by enforcing the odious man who has honestly done, what he underdoctrine, that the minority shall prevail over stood, after deep and anxious reflection, to be the majority-that is, by making thirteen or his duty, may meet the eyes of his constitumore of the smaller States, that had voted for ents, aye, the eyes of the world, and neither one candidate in the electoral colleges, woithout blench nor quail, though none should smile effect, come into the House and do the same, upon him. It has, also, been said, (and the rewith complete effect. What they were unable mark, though it can have none here, may be to do, by reason of inequality of population, calculated to have an effect abroad,) that,

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Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 310
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

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