Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

22 ABRIDGMENT OF THE H. or R.] The Tariff Bill. [APRIL, 1824. contend that they will always be able to under- having dissipated their early hostilities, and sell the foreign agriculturist in it. But, is not convinced them, by the most irresistible testithis confidence, Mr. Speaker, both dangerous mony, that in the protection of the manufacturer and delusive? Can the labor of the slave be is embraced their own surest and best protection. made as profitable as the labor of the freeman? But the bill, Mr. Speaker, is said to be hostile And, if the labor of the slave be not as profit- to the interests of commerce. This, if sustainable as the labor of the freeman-and that it is ed, would prove an argument entirely unannot is almost universally conceded-how will swerable. Inasmuch as it would not only renthe Southern planter be enabled to compete suc- der a resort to excises or direct taxation necescessfully, in years to come, with the millions of sary to meet the ordinary expenditures of the free agriculturists rising up and scattered over Government, but involve seriously and lastingly the immense and fertile regions of the Southern the interests of the Navy. Mr. H. controverted continent? He will be crushed by the compe- this argument at some length. He maintained tition; he must be driven from the market. that it was opposed by the testimony of innuThere is, indeed, one method whereby the merable facts, and the universal experience of labor of the slave may be made more profitable the commercial world-that commerce is directthan the labor of the freeman. The fact has ly promoted by whatever tends to promote nabeen established; but, happily, not by the ex- tional wealth and industry. That the bill, in perience of this country, for the process is a its present shape, was as judicious a revision of dreadful one. It is by furnishing the wretched the tariff as could be devised; and, consequentslave with the smallest portion of raiment suf- ly, that the interests of commerce and the revficient to protect him from the inclemency of enue, instead of being impaired, would be the elements, and graduating his coarse food to promptly and decisively promoted by it. That the minimum barely necessary to sustain, for domestic manufactures create a multitude of the purposes of his labor, his miserable exist- new wants, and furnish the means of gratifying ence, stimulated into all its capabilities by the them; and hence, consumption is increased; unceasing lash of the taskmaster. A state of and hence, the loss which the revenue sussociety, of servitude, and suffering, not more tains by the lessened importation of articles incompatible with the public opinion of the manufactured at home, is more than repaired age than unequivocally abhorrent to the sensi- by the increased consumption of others; and bilities of the South. that, if to these considerations be added the But this bill, Mr. Speaker, is further said to steady and extraordinary advance of our popbe hostile to the general agricultural interest of ulation, and the necessary increase of luxury, this country. I must pass over very rapidly an the interests of the revenue may be fairly reobjection so decisively extravagant. For where garded as secure from all future contingency in the history of the world has the encourage- and danger. As a striking illustration of the ment of manufactures ever proved hostile to above positions, Mr. II. referred to the example the interests of agriculture? Look to the pres- of England, whose revenue has constantly inent age-go to the Lothians of Scotland; the rich creased, exactly in proportion as the restrictive agricultural districts of England; the kingdom system, for the encouragement of the manufacof the Netherlands; the banks of the Rhine turing interest, has been enforced. Mr. H. conand the Elbe; the Rhone and the Seine; go tended further that a more rigid tariff than the indeed to every manufacturing hamlet, circle or present-a tariff for the ample and exclusive city in Europe, and witness everywhere the protection of the great objects of our industry, refutation of this extravagant objection. Ask would, whatever might be its immediate operahistory-summon from the dead the Saracens tion, ultimately advance (and at no distant of Spain, the Lombards of the twelfth century period too) the interests of commerce. Such a -the Genoese; the Venetian —ask the illus- tariff, it is acknowledged, would extinguish trious house of Medicis whether the fostering some of the fountains of commerce —but open a care which they awarded to manufactures, fourfold number in their stead. proved hostile to the agriculture of the beau- It is impossible for me to say, Mr. Speaker, tiful region over which they presided? Even how far the feeble encouragement which we our own short experience amply refutes the ob- have thus far awarded to our manufactures, jection. has advanced the interests of the Treasury. But Wherever manufacturing establishments have if numerous facts be not entirely fallacious, we been successfully located amongst us, the coun- have already reaped a golden harvest from the try has, in all instances, flourished around them limited sacrifices which we have heretofore so -exhibiting the strongest evidence of their reluctantly made. How is the present remarkfriendly influence upon the interests of the farm- ably flourishing state of the Treasury to be acer. And were we disposed to receive, with counted for, unless we refer it, partly at least, due courtesy, the representations of our con- to the friendly operation of our manufacturing stituents, our tables at this moment would be establishments upon our foreign commerce? covered with memorials from our agricultural The great markets of Europe are closed upon our constituents-at least from those of the middle agricultural productions. And we have lost, States and the East and the West, praying for consequent to a state of general peace, the the protection of the manufacturer-experience carrying trade of half the world. Besides, sir,

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Title
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author
United States. Congress.
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Page 22
Publication
New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]
1857-61.
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United States -- Politics and government

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