Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

94 ABRIDGMENT OF THE SENATE.] Revenue Collection Bill-Nulljifcation. [FEBRUARY, 1833. wage-a war not against the community, but tended to dissuade Maryland from its adoption. the citizens of whom that community is com- With this view, it was to be expected that every posed. But he regarded it as worse than sav- consideration calculated to effect that object age warfare-as an attempt to take away life should be urged; that real objections should be under the color of law, without the trial by exaggerated; and that those having no foundajury, or any other safeguard which the cons t- tion except mere plausible deductions, should be tution has thrown around the life of the citizen! presented. It is to this spirit that he attributed It authorizes the President, or even his deputies, the opinion of Mr. Martin, in reference to the when they may suppose the law to be violated, point under consideration. But if his authorwithout the intervention of a court or jury, to ity is good on one point, it must be admitted to kill without mercy or discrimination! be equally so on another. If his opinion be sufIt was said by the Senator from Tennessee ficient to prove that a citizen of the State may [Mr. GRUNDY] to be a measure of peace! Yes, be punished as a traitor when acting under alsuch peace as the wolf gives to the lamb; the legiance to the State, it is also sufficient to show kite to the dove. Such peace as Russia gives that no authority was intended to be given, in to Poland; or death to its victim! A peace, the constitution, for the protection of manufacby extinguishing the political existence of the tures by the General Government; and that State; by awing her into an abandonment of- the provision in the constitution, permitting a the exercise of every power which constitutes State to lay an impost duty with the consent her a sovereign community. It is to South Caro- of Congress, was intended to reserve the right lina a question of self-preservation; and I pro- of protection to the States themselves, and that claim it, that, should this bill pass, and an each State should protect its own industry. attempt be made to enforce it, it will be resisted Assuming his opinion to be of equal authority at every hazard, even that of death itself. Death on both points, how embarrassing would be the is not the greatest calamity; there are others attitude in which it would place the Senator still more terrible to the free and brave; and from Delaware, and those with whom he was among them may be placed the loss of liberty' acting-that of using the sword and the bayonet and honor. There are thousands of her brave to enforce the execution of an unconstitutional act sons who, if need be, are prepared cheerfully of Congress. He must express his surprise that to lay down their lives in defence of the State, the slightest authority in favor of power should and the great principles of constitutional liberty be received as the most conclusive evidence, for which she is contending. God forbid that while that which is at least equally strong in this should become necessary! It never can favor of right and liberty is wholly overlooked be, unless this Government is resolved to bring or rejected. the question to extremity, when her gallant But to return to the bill. It is said that the sons will stand prepared to perform their last bill ought to pass, because the law must be duty-to die nobly. enforced. The law must be enforced! The I go (said Mr. C.) on the ground that this imperial edict must be executed. It is under constitution was made by the States; that such sophistry, couched in general terms, it is a federal union of the States, in which the without looking to the limitations which must several States still retain their sovereignty. If ever exist in the practical exercise of power, that these views be correct, he had not characterized the most cruel and despotic acts ever have the bill too strongly, which presents the ques- been covered. It was such sophistry as this tion, whether they be or be not. He would not that cast Daniel into the lion's den, and the enter into the discussion of that question now. three innocents into the fiery furnace. Under He would rest it for the present on what he had the same sophistry, the bloody edicts of Nero said on the introduction of the resolutions now and Caligula were executed. The law must be on the table, under a hope that another oppor- enforced! Yes, the "tea tax must be exetunity would be afforded for more ample dis- cuted." This was the very argument which cussion. He would for thepresent confine his impelled Lord North and his administration remarks to the objections which had been raised in that mad career which forever separated us to the views which he had presented when he from the British crown. Under a similar introduced them. The authority of Luther sophistry, "that religion must be protected," Martin had been adduced by the Senator from how many massacres have been perpetrated? Delaware, to prove that the citizens of a State, and how many martyrs have been tied to the acting under the authority of a State, were li- stake? What! acting on this vague abstracable to be punished as traitors by this Govern- tion, are you prepared to enforce a law, without ment. As eminent as Mr. Martin was as alaw- considering whether it be just or unjust, yer, and as high as his authority might be con- constitutional or unconstitutional? Will you sidered on a legal point, he could not accept it collect money when it is acknowledged that it in determining the point at issue. The attitude is not wanted? He who earns the money, which he occupied, if taken into view, would who digs it from the earth with the sweat of lessen, if not destroy, the weight of his author- his brow, has a just title to it against the ity. He had been violently opposed, in con- universe. No one has a right to touch it vention, to the constitution; and the very letter without his consent except his Government, from which the Senator has quoted was in- and it only to the extent of its legitimate

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Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 94
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

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