Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

74 ABRIDGMENT OF THE SENATE.] Revenue Collection Bill-Nullfication. [FIBRUARY, 1833. as little labor to himself and tediousness to the Pennsylvania may be, pouring at all times their Senate as was possible, to inquire, in the first countless thousands into the public treasury-I place, what causes had led to this measure; protest against the Congress of the United States second, whether we had the constitutional requiring one cent from the population of that power to exact it; and, third, what were its State which is not fully required from others. probable tendency and effect. Many remarks If you do make it a matter of equal legislation had been made in the discussion, to which he -though we would cheerfully contribute milshould pay no attention; not from want of lions to the general treasury in common with respect to those from whom they had fallen, but the other States-and yet show preference, from want of comprehension to see their apl)li- in the slightest degree, to any portion of the Uncation to the subject. ion, as a member of that great commonwealth What were the causes which led to the bill? I would protest against it. Charleston cannot be It was undoubtedly drawn from analogous a free port, compatibly with the constitution practice, but it was out of the ordinary course of the United States. The instant that the legof legislation. The cause would be found in islation of this Congress shall proclaim it to be the proceedings of a popular convention held in so, I shall likewise declare Philadelphia a free South Carolina, and the legislative and execu- port. New York also, as well as every other tive acts following them. He was at all times port in the United States, will have a just right prepared to treat the movements of a sovereign to be declared free. Sir, this effect is as unamember of the Union with respect. They voidable in practice, as it is sound in constituwere not to be viewed as the factious proceed- tional theory. ings of a political party. Theirs was not the If the position now taken by South Carolina, attitude of a changeling. The proceedings to in reference to Charleston, be sustained by the which he referred resulted from the deliberate, connivance of this body, your revenue is lost; and, he might say, the inflexible purpose of a not a part of the revenue, but the whole of your highly respectable, althongh, in his apprehen- revenue, is gone; all that is collected by the sion, misguided State. He might be mistaken Government of the United States by virtue of in representing the attitude of the State. He the acts which are nullified in South Carolina. referred to the appearances everywhere exist- How is it? I speak practically. If it be for ing in the State. This attitude might possibly be one moment entertained that the duties colvery soon changed, and, in that case, our pro- lected under these laws are to be enforced in posed legislation in regard to it must be changed. every port but the port of. Charleston, and In relation, Mr. President, to nullification and the other ports of South Carolina, will not secession, the question is, have we the constitu the mercantile community throughout the tional power to pass this bill? In reference whole of this country make these ports the to the abrogation of the revenue laws by the great marts of distribution, through the coastState of South Carolina, I say that, as a matter ing trade, to all the other States of the Union? of equal constitutional justice, the abrogation As a matter of prudence, as a matter of necesof those laws, according to the ordinance of South sity, they must do it, or they could not sustain Carolina, abrogates them throughout the whole themselves. They must direct their foreign country. I say it is the necessary consequence correspondents to consign their cargoes to the of annulling them in that State. We are bound port of Charleston, and other ports in South by our oaths, as Senators of the United States, Carolina; and their ships would be employed not to acquiesce in or sanction such proceed- in the whole coasting trade of the United States, ings. We have no right to give a preference to to distribute their cargoes, free of all duties the ports of one State over the ports of another. and exonerated from all tax, throughout all the Sir, I put it to the honorable Senators present, ports of the country. No merchant in Pennwhether a tacit acquiescence on the part of sylvania could bear up against such a system, this body ought to be given to a regulation and therefore must become bankrupt. He in South Carolina, which establishes free trade could not consent to pay the duty which is in the port of Charleston, thereby giving it a now properly levied on these goods, while, in a preference over any port in the United States. neighboring State, the goods came in free of Would not a tacit acquiescence be a violation charge. As a matter of necessity, as well as of of our oaths as Senators? Let us look to the sound constitutional duty, if a free port were principle of morality as connected with this connived at in the State of South Carolina, you subject. There are sins of omission as well as must make every port free. Your Government sins of commission. He who is not prepared will then be without revenue; that will be to do his duty, or refrains from it from a fear of the necessary consequence. I believe, sir, that consequences, acts in violation of it. No single that is a Utopian creature the world has never State, no several States of this Union, can be seen or heard of. We cannot exist without a expected to furnish all the revenue which the revenue; we must have it for all the great purGovernment requires-the entire consumption poses of the body politic. The extinguishment of the country upon which the taxes are laid; of the revenue is the necessary consequence these imposts should be borne equally by the en- of adopting this doctrine, and is, in itself, a tire mass of the American people. Sir, I pro- superabundant, a strong, if not an imperative test that, wealthy as the people of the State of call on those who are managing the concerns of

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Title
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author
United States. Congress.
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Page 74
Publication
New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]
1857-61.
Subject terms
United States -- Politics and government

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