Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

DEBATES OF CONGRESS. 759 APRtL, 1836.1 Professor Lieber. [SENATE. security and peace, under our own protection, United States should be made a pack-horse for and beyond the reach of danger. the abolitionists; but it seemed to him to be Mr. DAvIs then rose and said that he must going too far to invest ten thousand postmasters obtrude himself upon the patience of the Sen- (for he believed that was about the number) ate again, as the remarks which had been with the authority invested in them by this made called for some reply, and made it neces- bill, and he could not vote for it. The authorisary for him to carry out the argument, which ty was such a one as would lead to things he was restrained from doing the other day they might all regret. He was very sorry to by circumstances beyond his control. He then vote against any measure which, even in approceeded, in substance, as follows: Sir, I have pearance, had for its object the suppression of shunned every thing which might occasion so great an evil; but he thought this bill was excitement in this debate, but I cannot forbear not calculated to effect that object. remarking, upon the fervent appeal made by Mr. GRUNDY hoped this bill might be postthe Senator fiom South Carolina in his closing poned for a short time, so that gentlemen observations, that I hold it to be unwise, most might turn their attention particularly to it, unwise, for those interested, to make slavery a and if it did not suit them, to offer them such topic of frequent discussion, to force it upon a bill as they could support. This Government the notice of those who live in the free States, was made to protect and secure the States in and, above all, to make them remember its all their rights; and, if so, it was very strange existence, by feeling inconveniences from it at that it should permit one of its departments to every step they take. It is, under its most throw firebrands among them to destroy them. favorable aspects, viewed as a great moral evil, The General Government was bound by solemn distracting the country with anxiety and deep contract to protect them in their persons and in concern for the common welfare and safety. their property, and he wished gentlemen to Under such circumstances, can any thing be examine the constitution, and see whether it more impolitic than to pass a law which will' prohibited such a regulation of the Post Office make every citizen of a free State participate Department as to prevent the transmission of in this evil, by feeling that he is restrained these mischievous publications. The States had in his privileges in consequence of it? By no Post Office Department. The power to esforcing slavery into his presence every time tablish that Department was entirely delegated he has occasion to use the Post Office, and to the General Government. The power, therevexing him with an odious scrutiny into his fore, over that Department by the General papers? If gentlemen would rouse up a spirit Government was complete, and could not come of resentment against slavery, if they would in conflict with the State Governments. He fill the public mind with new objections to was speaking now as to the power under the it, and excite the people to oppose it, then let constitution; and could it not make all constithem go on with this policy, and they will tutional provisions to regulate that Department? doubtless accomplish their object. But if they He admitted that although the power did exist, would tranquillize public feeling, then I would perhaps no subject was so liable to be abused, recommend to them to keep slavery as far out of or so dangerous in the exercise of it. A power sight and hearing as possible, and never call on was, during last summer, exercised by the Postthe public to make sacrifices of their rights or master General, and some of the postmasters, privileges to sustain it. Above all, never im- which answered the purpose; but they acted pair their enjoyments by the exercise of doubt- without law. If it answered without law, it ful authority. I therefore entreat gentlemen certainly would with it. to pause before they adopt a measure like this, and consider the consequences. [Here Mr. DAvIs entered upon an elaborate argu-MONDAY, April 18. ment to show that the bill conflicted with the consti- Professor Lieber. tution in abridging the liberty of the press, and the Mr. CALHOUN presented a memorial of Profreedom of mail correspondence.] flssor Lieber, on the subject of a statistical work on the United States in preparation by him, and praying for the aid of Congress. Mr. C. WEDNESDAY, April 13. spoke of the work in terms of high approbation, Incendiary Publications. and moved the printing. Mr. WEBSTER said he had the honor of an On motion of Mr. CALHOUN, the special order, acquaintance with Professor Lieber, and believbeing the bill prohibiting deputy postmasters ed him to be a gentleman of much experience, from receiving or transmitting through the and an accurate and judicious writer. He had mail, to any State, Territory, or District, cer- read, too, the memorial which the member from tain papers therein mentioned, the publication South Carolina had presented, and he thought of which, by the laws of said State, Territory, it a very able and comprehensive plan or outor District, may be prohibited, and for other line for a useful and important work on the purposes, being taken up, statistics of the United States. How far ConMr. BENTON said he was not willing that the gress might be inclined to patronize such a

Pages

About this Item

Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 759
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

Technical Details

Collection: Making of America Books
Link to this Item: https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ahj4053.0012.001
Link to this scan: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/moa/ahj4053.0012.001/761

Rights and Permissions

These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please go to http://www.umdl.umich.edu/ for more information.

IIIF

Manifest: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/api/manifest/moa:ahj4053.0012.001

Cite this Item

Full citation: "Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856." In the digital collection Making of America Books. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ahj4053.0012.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 14, 2025.

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

Annotations Tools

Actions

About this Item

Technical Details

Rights and Permissions

Related Links

IIIF

Cite this Item