Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

110 ABRIDGMENT OF THE SE-NATE.] Revenue Collection Bill-NullJication. [FEBRUARY, 1833. as revenue; and up to the present moment other sentiments but those of grateful respect there is no surplus of revenue. Her grievance, and attachment. But I cannot yield, even to then, that plain and palpable violation of the kind feelings, the cause of the constitution, the constitution which she insists has taken place, true glory of the country, and the great trust is simply the exercise of the power of discrimi- which we hold in our hands for succeeding ages. nation. Now, sir, is the exercise of this power If the constitution cannot be maintained without of discrimination plainly and palpably uncon- meeting these scenes of commotion and contest, stitutional? I have already said the power to however unwelcome, they must come. We lay duties is given by the constitution in broad cannot, we must not, we dare not, omit to do and general terms. There is also conferred on that which, in our judgment, the safety of the Congress the whole power of regulating com- Union requires. Not regardless of consemerce in another distinct provision. Is it clear quences, we must yet meet consequences; seeand palpable, sir-can any man say it is a case ing the hazards which surround the discharge beyond doubt-that under these two powers of public duty, it must yet be discharged. For Congress may not justly discriminate in laying myself, sir, I shun no responsibility justly deduties for the purpose of countervailing the volving on me, here or elsewhere, in attempting policy of foreign nations, or of favoring our own to maintain the cause. I am tied to it by indishome productions? Sir, what ought to con- soluble bands of affection and duty, and I shall elude this question forever, as it would seem to cheerfully partake in its fortunes and its me, is, that the regulation of commerce, and the fate. I am ready to perform my own approimposition of duties, are, in all commercial priate part whenever and wherever the occanations, powers avowedly and constantly exer- sion may call on me, and take my chance cised for this very end. among those upon whom blows may fall first Mr. President, if the friends of nullification and fall thickest. I shall exert every faculty I should be able to propagate their opinions, and possess in aiding to prevent the constitution give them practical effect, they would, in my from being nullified, destroyed, or impaired; judgment, prove themselves the most skilful and even should I see it fall, I will still, with a "architects of ruin," the most effectual extin- voice, feeble, perhaps, but earnest as ever issued guishers of high-raised expectation, the greatest from human lips, and with fidelity and zeal blasters of human hopes, which any age has which nothing shall extinguish, call on the produced. They would stand up to proclaim, PEOPLE to come to its rescue. in tones which would pierce the ears of half the human race, that the last great experiment of representative government had failed. They MONDAY, February 18. would send forth sounds, at the hearing of which the doctrine of the divine right of kings would Revenue Collection Bill-Nulli'fication. feel, even in its grave, a returning sensation of The Senate then proceeded to consider the bill vitality and resuscitation. Millions of eyes, of to provide further for the collection of the duthose who now feed their inherent love of lib- ties on imports. erty on the success of the American example, Mr. POINDEXTER, who was entitled to the would turn away from beholding our dismem- floor, rose and said he was compelled to decline berment, and find no place on earth whereon any participation in the debate at this time, to rest their gratified sight. Amidst the incan- on account of the state of his health. If the tations and orgies of nullification, secession, dis- subject should be postponed, he hoped to be union, and revolution, would be celebrated the able at another time to address the Senate in funeral rites of constitutional and republican relation to it. liberty. The CHAIR having stated the question to be, But, sir, if the Government do its duty; if "Shall this bill be ordered to be engrossed and it act with firmness and with moderation, these read a third time? " opinions cannot prevail. Be assured, sir, be Mr. CALHOUN said he had not anticipated this assured, that, among the political sentiments question for this morning. When it was put, of this people, the love of union is still upper- he hoped there would be a full Senate. le most. They will stand fast by the constitution, moved the postponement of the further conand by those who defend it. I rely on no tem- sideration of the bill till to-morrow. porary expedients-on no political combination Mr. FORSYTH hoped the postponement would -but I rely on the true American feeling, the not take place, as the session was drawing to genuine patriotism of the people, and the im- a close. Hie had a desire to address the Senate perative decision of the public voice. Disorder on the question before it, but was not disposed and confusion, indeed, may arise; scenes of to do it to-day. -le had come here this morncommotion and contest are threatened, and per- ing, expecting to hear the honorable Senator haps may come. With my whole heart I pray from Mississippi. He would suggest that, if no for the continuance of the domestic peace and additional amendments were to be offered, the quiet of the country. I desire most ardently the bill should be passed to a third reading, and restoration of affection and harmony to all its discussed on its passage. parts. I desire that every citizen of the whole Mr. CALEOUN. —The third reading of a bill, as country may look to this Government with no the Senator knows, is the most trying question.

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Title
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author
United States. Congress.
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Page 110
Publication
New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]
1857-61.
Subject terms
United States -- Politics and government

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