Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

424 ABRIDGMENT OF THE SENATE.] Debate on the Panama Mission in Secret Session. [MARCaH, 1826. It has been well remarked by the Committee, given, "not to permit any foreign power to in their Report, that no nation (unless restrain- interfere in the war between Spain and her ed by their weakness) ever permitted such an colonies;" and it appears, from the correspondinterference as we are about to attempt, with- ence, to be the special object of the new States out redressing the wrong by war. And surely, to get us to enter into treaties to redeem that sir, we are not to be called upon to violate our pledge, according to the construction they have neutral obligations towards Spain - because chosen to put upon it, and in which, I am sorry Spain is weak. If a sense of justice, and a due to add, the Executive seems to have acquiesregard to our own character and our interests, ced. Mr. Obregon tells us, that the United should not restrain us from a measure of that States are only expected to take part in those kind, perhaps we may be influenced by the matters which the "late administrationpointed consideration, that a violation of neutrality on out as being of general interest, for which reaour part may lead to similar violations on the son," says he, "one of the subjects which will part of the powers of Europe, and that we may occupy the attention of the Congress, will be thus be the means of destroying those whom the resistance or opposition to the interference we mean to serve and hope to save. of any neutral nation in the question and wam' It is to be a CoNGREss, a deliberative Assem- of independence between the new powers of the bly, composed of DEPUTIES, with undefined continent and Spain;" and "that, as the powpowers; it is called in the conventions "a ERS OF AMERICA ARE or ACCOIRD as to resistance, great Council;" and though the members in it behooves them to discuss the means of giving some places are called " Plenipotentiaries," yet, to that resistance all possible force, that the evil in others, they receive different appellations; may be met, if it cannot be avoided; and the and Mr Clay himself, in one place, considers only means of accomplishing this object is, by a them as "REPRESENTATIVES," and elsewhere previous concert as to the mode in which each describes them as " Oornmissioners." They can- of them shall lend its co-operation: for, othernot be "Ambassadors:" for they are not to go wise, resistance would operate partially, and in accredited to any sovereign State. They will a manner much less certain and effective. not be Ministers to Colombia, within whose "The opposition to Colonization in Amnerica, territory the Congress is to be convened; they by the European powers, will be another of must present their credentials to the Congress the questions which may be discussed, and itself, by whom their validity must be decided which is in like predicament with the foreon, and the members admitted to their seats. going." It is only by the special provisions of the "Con- Mr. Salazar holds language on this subject ventions," that the Deputies could claim the still more explicit. privileges and immunities of Ambassadors, and Now I do positively deny that Mr Monroe as no such stipulations have been made in our ever pedged this nation to go to war, or make favor, it follows, that our Deputies will be treaties, to prevent the interference of any Euindebted even for protection to the Congress of ropean nation in the present contest. I deny which they are to be members. In what form that he had a right to make any such pledge; the deliberations are to be conducted, we know and most of all do I deny that any sanction has not, but we are expressly told that their deliber- been given to such an idea by the Senate, the ations may be " confidential;" and I infer from House of Representatives, by the States, or by a provision which authorizes a change in the the people of the United States. The language place of meeting "with the consent of a ma- of Mr. Monroe is extremely vague and indefijority of the States," that they will vote by nite. That great and good man well knew States, and that a mnajority will govern. Mr. that he had no power to use any but a moral Salazar tells us expressly, that "' we may form force on that question; and beyond this moral an EVENTUAL ALLIANCE, for certain purposes, to influence over the councils of the nations of remain secret"-and adds, "that the conferences Europe, he neither attempted nor desired to held on this subject, being confdential, would go. He well knew-every intelligent man in increase mutual friendship, and promote the the United States knows —that tLis nation is respective interests of the parties." not now, and never has been, prepared to go to And here, Mr. President, I will insist, that, war for the independence of South America. if this mission were liable to none of these The new States have always carried with them objections, there is not a single object specified our warmest wishes for their success-but bein the invitations and answers, or in the message yond the indulgence of a sincere and friendly of the President, which would justify the meas- sympathy, we have never been willing to proure proposed. They are all either dangerous, ceed. Mr. Monroe's declaration, I repeat, was or inexpedient, or unnecessary; and this I will attempt to prove, by a brief examination of States to prevent colonization in America, and also to preeach of them. vent the interference of any European nation in the present The first great subject to which our attention cntest, there are two important documents before the House of Representatives which were not before the Senate, at this Congress is to be called, arises out of the viz: 1. The letter from Mr. Adams to Mr. Anderson, dated pledge * which Mr. Monroe is supposed to have i 2th May, 1823, in which the policy of this Government is fuolly explained on that subject. 2. The Message of the President to the House of Representatives, in which he goes * In relation to the srPPOSED PLEDGE made by the United into an explanation of his present views.-Note by Afr. At.

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Title: Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.
Author: United States. Congress.
Canvas: Page 424
Publication: New York, [etc.]: D. Appleton and company [etc.]; 1857-61.
Subject terms: United States -- Politics and government

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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856.

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